I
The only time I visited the World Trade Center was in the fall of 1995. It was part of an eighth-grade class field trip to New York City over five activity-packed days. Before we arrived at New York we were all given spiral-bound workbooks, filled with blank spaces and lines for reflections, writing assignments, and other graded material. For the World Trade Center, the assignment was to write down what we saw and felt from the observation deck, and it happened to be a cloudy day. When we arrived at the observation deck, all we could see were opaque, gray clouds. Not even the ground right below the towers were visible. So most of us just stood around the lobby, looking at some of the trinkets being sold in the souvenir shop or talking amongst ourselves–anywhere but outside. Everything was shrouded by fog.
We eventually went down the elevator to the gilded, marble-clad lobby, and left the Towers. Within just a few blocks the clouds and mist had rendered them invisible. It would not be the last time I would see the World Trade Center, as I would go back to New York several more times in the days to come, but that was the first and last time I had ever been inside.
I have never visited the Pentagon, either before or after the day one year ago.
II
On September 11, 2001, I awoke around 8:50 AM with a cheerful song by Rush in my head (“Show, Don’t Tell”) and the television muttering outside my closed door. I wondered why my roommates had turned on the television at such an early hour. I then checked the morning’s e-mail and Washington Post and discovered something going on with the World Trade Center. So I opened the door and headed for the television in the living room, and there it was, those burning towers smoking like cigarette butts from the distance the aerial cameras shot them. And as we watched the footage that would become oddly stale with its constant rebroadcasts, portions of the song looped endlessly in my head.
The song, of course, was irrelevant to the events of that day, lyrically (it is about the right to be skeptical) and musically (it is a defiant, funk-influenced tune). However, the song has an instrumental section punctuated by synthesizers and deftly-played bass that, to me, sounded something like the faux-heroic fanfares played on the evening news. It sounded a little like the bits of music played before and after the commercials, or the background tune played during traffic reports on the radio and TV. So when the cameras whirled around the towers, I could almost hear the spitting chopper blades and the cheerful traffic reporter yelling, “expect delays from all outbound lanes coming from Manhattan, the Lincoln Tunnel and the Brooklyn Bridge are both at an absolute standstill. No incidents to report anywhere north of Midtown but the streets are filled with pedestrians, and that’s just making the traffic situation even worse for this morning’s commute . . . .back to you, Glen–”
But of course the voices of the anchors, who are trained to be cheerful, were actually solemn and uncertain. There was no music playing at all, only the dull, low whine of static or the rush of air blowing through the microphones of field reporters. Then the towers fell, one right after another. But they fell silently as well, to those of us witnessing the event on television. Then there was a clip they showed over and over again of well-dressed businessmen and women running from the scattering debris, their mouths wide open in yells and shouts to their neighbors, to their cell phones, but again we heard nothing but the voices of the anchors overriding them. And still my song kept playing in my head alongside the numbness that I felt watching thousands of people die, live from New York on Tuesday morning.
Then, when the same overhead aerial shots of the burning Pentagon were shown, the song became quieter. The Pentagon was around here. Then rumors of bombs at the State Department flew, and my roommate said, “well, I wouldn’t be surprised if there was a flash in the western skies . . . and that’s the end of us.” The numbness ended then, and for that moment the music in my head stopped. I headed back to my room and tried to call my parents and my cousin, who are all federal employees and had been let off from work following the attacks. My mother and cousin both work in downtown Washington, and with destruction seemingly going everywhere, it was important that I reach them. After calling in to take the day off from work, and after two hours, I finally accounted for all of them. By then the day’s event had largely passed, though rumors still persisted and speculation had already begun on who the perpetrators were. And then the Rush song kicked into my head again as the networks repeated the footage of the collapse and the fleeing people.
The illusion of television is that it makes you think that you are closer to an event or to people then you actually are. Everything is pre-packaged, with the fanfares and the coiffed reporters, whereas real life is rougher and not accompanied by a soundtrack you can hear outside of your head. Neil Postman says the danger of television is that it can make you respond emotionally to illogically ordered, irrelevant non-events (like Princess Diana’s funeral). Having a cheerful Rush song playing while thousands of people die is a sign of how I, too, am a child of these times and of the television age. A heroic-sounding song hardly signifies heroism; after all, most of the real heroism being done by the perished firefighters, police officers, emergency workers at the site, never made it on the camera. All we saw were people fleeing for the lives, the smoke, the white ash, and the debris of broken computer screens, staplers, post-it-notes, and a confetti of memos scattered on the ground. Just like the movies, as many people who were not there said afterward.
I have an old high-school classmate attending New York University who was there at the site that day. The first thing he says he remembers was the stench, something that can never be transmitted over television. He felt the ground rumbling from the collapse. He saw tiny bodies fall out of the windows to their deaths. He had a camera with him, and he has taken pictures of the day and posted them on his website (so he promised), but I never went to his site and I have no desire to do so now. Even a picture is a mediator between me and the reality. The media version of September 11th, even when it wasn’t smothered in cheap patriotism and bathos, bears only passing resemblance to what the people in New York and the Pentagon actually witnessed. I wonder if the people there had songs running through their heads as they fled, and what they were. Perhaps they were too frantic to pay attention or remember the way I do with my song.
Later, through completely unrelated events, I lost the CD that contained the song. My boss, who was the one who borrowed it, promised to pay me back. I told him it was no matter, and indeed, it’s true. The song is no matter at all, and I have no wish to hear such irrelevance again.
III
It may be that life on earth, seen in the long run, is just like war: stretches of boredom punctuated by brief moments of terror. It can also be argued that there has been no time on earth, ever, where there was not an armed conflict going on somewhere. Peace is a rare, precious thing, seen from a global scale, but as communal creatures, most people tend to think of war and peace in terms of their own countries or neighboring lands. During the 1990s, Americans thought all was going well with the world, even as genocidal war ripped through Bosnia and Rwanda, millions throughout Asia struggled to make financial ends meet, bombs exploded in Palestine, and while terrorists plotted our destruction in cells and training camps all over the world. When the battles that consume the rest of the world at last landed on our soil, then for that brief moment we had the feeling of terror in the midst of trivialized boredom. We had momentarily forgotten that no human being, no group of human beings, and no nation can remain apart from the world for too long. This is especially true if that nation is the United States of America after the Cold War, a lone superpower and, in the eyes of many throughout the world, a lone target.
“What is to be done?” That is the question on everyone’s minds once the shock and numbness of the event has settled, and the recovery process begins. It’s interesting how easy it is to come up with vague, stirring calls for patriotism, to fight an amorphous “War on Terror,” and to call American citizens to “responsibility,” “watchfulness,” “service,” and “freedom.” What those words mean in concrete reality are often hard to define, but they evoke certain passions within us, and when a President uses enough of them in a time of crisis, he can bring people to standing ovations. In the definitive speech about September 11th, President Bush was compared by some in the media to Winston Churchill, to Franklin Roosevelt, to Abraham Lincoln.
I am skeptical of those claims. The media’s attention span and propensity to hyperbole have been proven time and time again. Only history will tell us in the long run whether Bush has led us well through this fight or not. Time is often a good winnower between empty rhetoric and powerful speeches that actually call entire nations to action and selfless service. The present evidence, especially after the end of active warfare in Afghanistan, seems to indicate uncertainty in the Bush Administration’s handling of affairs. Moreover, the media has slipped into its sensationalizing habits and the pattern of life has not visibly changed for most people since September 11th. But history, too, will be the judge of whether this seeming complacency matters or not. Life must go on, after all, and as CS Lewis once said, war changes nothing in the human condition. But history also tells us that complacency is deadly. We dare not sleep while our enemies plot.
IV
Who are our enemies, then? How do we fight them? The idea of just war, at its heart, is that armed conflict is a last resort and is a defensive measure. Having been attacked first, with considerable loss of life, some sort of national retaliatory response is justified-but how, and against whom? Those who protest against the Afghan war as if it were like Vietnam have little sense of proportion: this was not, at any point, a full-scale invasion of a nation with hundreds of thousands of troops landing on the shores. A pariah Taliban government was toppled in a mere few months, and for the most part we have allowed the Afghans to form their own government, rather than propping up a corrupt dictator as we did in South Vietnam. Most of the active fighting was over in a matter in a few months. So in general, the Afghan conflict fits the definition of just war much more closely than the Vietnam War ever did.
But there was “collateral damage,” as there is in all armed conflict, and some of the key goals of sending troops-such as capturing Osama Bin Laden and his senior Al-Qaeda officials-have yet to be met. So the Afghan war can, from that perspective, be judged as only a partial success, and only partly just as a result. Possible war crimes committed by our Afghan allies have also been revealed recently, and it is appalling for an American government that claims to fight for freedom and human rights to look the other way.
I am not a pacifist, though I am a Christian; nevertheless, a Christian whose loyalty is ultimately toward another Kingdom must live in tension with the demands of the state against the ethical standards of God. We must, then, deplore any loss of civilian life, and any indecencies committed by our own troops or those of our allies. It is the only way that any semblance of justice and proportion can be maintained in a fundamentally evil thing such as war. Supposedly our “smart bombs” and “surgical strikes” can help us prevent needless casualties. But technology always has a point of failure, and ultimately there must be a will on our side to not fight for vengeance, but for right and to cripple the enemy’s capabilities to harm us-and no more. A just war is always proportional, limited, and has a clear goal. Once that goal is met, the war must end.
To me, the planned invasion of Iraq has little to do with the actual war on terrorism. From the dissension among Bush’s senior staff and military chiefs, it seems that many in the administration think so as well, and increasingly they are outspoken in what seems like a naked use of war for political aims-or worse, for personal vendettas against Saddam Hussein. Iraq was dangerous several years ago, and there is no compelling evidence it is any more dangerous now than it was then. I am skeptical of the claims that Al-Qaeda and Hussein are somehow in league with each other-even the Administration has recently dropped those ideas-and as for its nuclear, chemical, and biological programs, if they can publicize some evidence that they are imminent threats, then my mind will probably change. To pre-emptively invade Iraq alone is a clear violation of the just war criteria.
My proposal is to send UN weapons inspectors, but with troops behind them for protection and to ensure enforcement of the inspection regime. Then, if hostilities begin, as they almost certainly would, it will be in defense of the clear mandates of the Security Council, and not a unilateral action taken by the United States. This would give Bush the international mandate he needs to remove Saddam Hussein, who certainly is a menace to be stopped as soon as possible. But it cannot be done morally without proper authority (the Security Council mandate) and without just cause (refusing weapons inspectors in clear violation of the Gulf War surrender terms).
It still needs to be asked, however, whether Saddam Hussein is the same kind of enemy that Al-Qaeda and other radical groups are. Hussein is not a religious man, by most reports, and he is motivated by a sheer lust for power than for any ideology. A lust for power, of course, can be incredibly dangerous. But, as a recent Policy Review article states about “Al-Qaeda’s Fantasy Ideology,” the dehumanized way fanatics of any stripe-Communist, Islamic, Christian, Fascist-see the world means that no ethics or morals constrain their methods, and no rational strategy underlies their battle plan. They see themselves as two-dimensional actors on a great world stage, enacting a drama where they are the pure victors and their enemies the evildoers bound for eternal punishment and retribution. They end up dehumanizing themselves in the process-that is why suicide bombing is palatable to them-but in their wake can be the very worst sort of atrocity. The twentieth century is littered with fantasy ideologies, from Nazism to Communism, and the history of Crusades proves that Christians aren’t immune to the same disease.
I believe that we face a similar enemy today, and that requires some rethinking of our security and foreign policy strategies. We are facing an irrational enemy, and so we cannot pretend that we can simply fight them the way we fought Germany or Japan in World War II. But the one thing we must not do is to become like them, seeing ourselves as actors to punish the “evildoers” because we are good, pure, and righteous. Yes, we must punish the terrorists. The things that they do are surely evil. But we must not also delude ourselves and puff ourselves up with pride as a nation or people, and think that somehow our actions can never be wrong or unjust when we fight our battles. Otherwise we will end up sacrificing our most essential rights at home for the sake of “freedom,” justifying war crimes for the sake of “human rights,” and turning masses of people worldwide against us for the sake of “democracy.”
I am not seeing this kind of reflection in Bush or much of his administration at the moment. For an openly Christian leader like George W Bush to not have this sense of proportion and humility before God is disturbing, not to mention dangerous. He must show us that in the process of fighting terrorists, we will not become like them, and that we will not gut the things we are fighting for as Americans.
V
The words “September eleventh,” by themselves, seem so mundane. The date “9/11″ may carry some overtones of emergency, like the telephone number, but it too is just a series of numbers and a slash to separate the day from the month. Yet the words and numbers have become icons for people in America and all over the world. They point to the reality of the events that were said to have “changed the world,” though perhaps it was our illusion that we were unlike the rest of the world that has changed. “Never forget” was the phrase passed around a year ago, and today. I suspect the words “September 11th” or “9/11″ will not be forgotten for a while. Everybody was watching television that day, after all. The words and numbers have acquired something like religious significance for Americans, or at least for the media. The footage of fleeing people, fires, and falling towers are icons, too. They will be etched in the world memory for many years to come, and in the history books as well.
But in another way we already have forgotten what kind of day it was. I am not watching TV or listening to the radio today, because I do not want to be disgusted by the maudlin tributes and sentimental pap that suffices for “closure” and “remembrance.” These are not genuine tributes to the people who suffered on that day, they are naked attempts to capitalize on people’s genuine shock and grief and turn it into ratings, attention, and self-promotion on the part of the media. I had hoped that we would be a little more serious after the attacks, as we seemed to have been for a few months. But we have already, in one year, trivialized the day by making it an opportunity for national therapy. Television tells such lies. There is no such thing as a national “psyche” that has been wounded, because, while the death toll was horrible, the vast majority of Americans were not anywhere near the sites of the attacks. For nearly 260 million and for the rest of the world, September 11th was a day entirely seen on television. For us to pretend that the media tributes can bring us “closer” to the people who are actually suffering-the widows, widowers, childless parents and parentless children-is to make a mockery of their grief. We were not really there; we were not “all New Yorkers” on that day.
No. We were instead, watching on TV with horror, fascination, and great sadness as our complacency came to an end. But complacency, while a bad thing, is often the result of hard work and dedication to build a strong, prosperous, and stable country. It is the response of fallen humanity to the moments where things really are pretty good, when we are doing as well as we can on this vale of tears. We can’t exempt ourselves from sin, and thus from humanity, by pretending that we will always be as watchful and careful in the future. So we will, and won’t remember September 11th, 2001, in the days to come. We will certainly remember the images. I think we have already begun to forget the ugliness and soberness of that day, and in time, all the melodrama and bathos associations will likely fade away.
Perhaps, then, the best kind of memorial to September 11th is the old memento mori: remember death. Not flowers, not memorial services, not TV tributes. September 11th was a day of death for thousands. But we do not serve the dead well by turning them into objects for our vicarious “emotion”, or by fighting irrationally and undermining our nation. But we can remember that nations, groups, and we ourselves as individuals are mortal. We will die someday; some have died much sooner and more violently than they perhaps should. To remember death is to take September 11th seriously as a reminder that all is not right in the world, that it is fallen and nowhere near what God had intended for it.
There is another thing, though. Many HIV patients who will die shortly report that, knowing that their lives will be taken from them, they begin to live more fully. They waste no more time in front of the television or on petty differences with others. Relationships get mended. Books, works of art, and personal projects come into being. Sometimes, by grace, an greater awareness and devotion to God-the God who conqueres death and gives eternal life-takes hold of a soul. Triviality no longer marks the terminal patient’s life, but dignity. It is not without fear, because it is proper to fear death to some degree. But life no longer seems insignificant. Boredom becomes foreign. We shine brightly before we flicker out, and our lights are not hidden under bushels but shatter the darkness around us.
So to the families, victims, and all those harmed on that day a year ago: requiscat in pacem. We remember you, because to remember death is to remember how to live.
–September 11, 2002, 1:33 PM